Pakistan maybe short on food, water, literacy and electricity, but remains surplus in sagacity. Look right to President’s House, look left to Zardari House; you will see peremptoriness oozing out of the powerhouses. The source of their lordliness is much debated; however the similarities between the two cant be blanketed. One grabbed power to (allegedly) save the federation; the other to (allegedly) save the nation. Both suffer from the messiah-complex, hence landed in the power-complex. Both kneel to the House that is White, but not the one that is right. Both love to lecture endlessly, but can’t listen even momentarily. Both believe in the freedom of unrestrained power for self; moreover believe in freedom of restrained speech for the rest. Both swore their allegiance to the ‘establishment’, which never ceases to implement their commandments. Both defend the hand that penned the PCO and NRO. Most importantly, both share antipathy for the judiciary.
Collapse of ‘London Talks’ confirms, what everyone predicted for months; President’s House and Zardari House are the same and one. What shocked even the most seasoned political analysts is how brazenly and how daringly, Asif Ali Zardari sabotaged every chance of restoration of judiciary.
If entered a dead-end street, reverse out of it with speed. Reverse the dead-end PCO hurriedly, and then worry about the NRO’s legality.
On a talk show with Kashif Abbasi and Faeza Dawood, Mr. Zardari voiced his doubt; a hasty reversal of the judiciary may come costly, but never pained at NRO’s obscurity.
Mr. Zardari again and again reminded the journalists, the media should be indebted for the freedom given to the critics. However, his men, who also claim themselves to be the establishment, remains under the impression; free-media doesn’t need the freedom of expression. Why else 17 journalists, are shown the fists?
Mr. Zardari argue, restoration of judiciary is an issue. Merits deliberations to be issued, so setting dates would be cuckoo. Imagine if 14 August wasn’t set for the creation of Pakistan; would there have been an independent Pakistan? Imagine if Musharraf hadn’t set a date for the national elections; would Zardari’s party be in action? Perhaps, Zardari could best answer the question.
Considering Zardari’s wisdom, naturally one wonders about the conundrum: 1. For how long the public will live in a state of uncertainty, before the parliament would deliberate with certainty? 2. How many minutes Zardari deliberated on the Constitutionality of NRO? Doesn’t the same principal apply on the PCO? 3. Which law covers the disputed NRO, which was mothered by the prohibited PCO?
In paramount interest of national integrity, Musharraf bestowed NRO on his fraternity. Reciprocating Musharraf’s generosity, Zardari crossed the party lines to be comradely. Cognizant of spirit of national reconciliation, would the NRO be given to the plebeians? Would they extend the NRO to the deposed judiciary too, so the masses could move on without a worry too?
But this will be a tall order for the two, who owe their fortunes to the few. One clings to the top, courtesy of the men in a House that is White, the other rose to the top on pieces of paper in black-and-white. The critics decry, to marginalize the establishment is for pride. But the two contrive, to abide by the establishment is to achieve.
When all said and done, PML-N will throw the last pun. Has PML-N read nation’s pulse correctly, or else they will be routed out hastily. Their principal on the crisis of the judiciary, and their refusal to share the bed with the Presidency, will be the source of their popularity.
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